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To put Sapientia near the center of a roughly symmetrical pattern and to limit the depth of the hall seems obvious, but to assign the Disciple to a modest corner without sacrificing his part as the interlocutor or the balance of the design is a much more skillful achievement. Of course the ars nova would have vetoed a belfry at the top of the page in favor of containment within a proper frame.

Its significance here is chiefly a reminder that the oldfashioned freedoms could also be effective. In any case, the interest of the machines would overwhelm the figures as indeed it does in the black and white reproduction were it not for the color.


Sapientia' s authority is sustained by the full brilliance of her vermilion dress, separated from the crimson and gold backdrop by her blue cloak. The floor is green. Woodwork and walls are neutral brown or grey, except at the right, but the metal frames and wheels of the turret clocks are blue as steel. The eye cannot evade the clear positive white of the clock face at the left, the near-white wall at the right, nor the white and black of the Dominican habit which makes the Disciple so emphatically present. Color is a very important part of the means by which the painter holds the reader's attention to his fundamental theme, the Disciple's adoration of Sapientia.

In general the figures are given full importance by their scale, their position in the foreground and their color, but they are always conceived as actors whose gestures and facial expression must be effective. When there is precedent to follow the action tends to be stereotyped; when he is obliged to invent, the painter produces some lively images, as in the scene of the Epicurians f. He is capable of the most emphatic gesture, as when Job laments f.

There is no physical beauty in either the classic or the Gothic sense; instead the persuasive interest of these illustrations is due to the intense but unselfconscious absorption of the figures in the parts which they are assigned to play. Mannerisms take on undue importance in the absence of other documentation. Here one would single out the figure style in which human beings are conceived as entities whose movable parts must work, stiffly, often without grace, but always with purpose.

That the painter can extract from their awkwardness so much dignity and so much expressive action is greatly to his credit.

Philémon, Tome 4 : Le château suspendu

We recognize his round heads, broad at the cheek-. Certain accessories also appear here which do not characterize that master's work : a textile pattern with bunches of grapes, the curved or fluttering pages of an open book, the floor design known to decorators as the one-in-nine pattern. None of these books equals the Horloge de Sapience in invention, none surpasses it in execution, although two of the Horae Brit. There can be no confusion of his style with the painterly work of the Bedford Master at any stage of the latter' s career, but the fact that work by both painters appears within the same book on at least five occasions supports the assumption that they worked in the same shop if not at the same time.

It is entirely possible that our Master of Jean Rolin II was in his youth one of the border painters of the unfinished Salisbury Breviary There can be no confusion with the odd figurai proportions, precise drawing and clear palette of the Master of the Hours of Adelaide de Savoie It is true that both use some of the same studio patterns.

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Forexample the figure of St. Paul appearing to the Disciple f. Unfortunately only the miniatures themselves will the difference of palette. The fragmentary evidence obtainable from work for other patrons indicates that he was active, probably in Paris, in a period from ca to ca , perhaps later Despite a portrait of an owner and three sets of armorials, two of them prior to , the documentation of the individual owners in the fifteenth century proves as difficult as that of the illuminator. There is no dedication, nor owners' marks, other than the arms. The figure of the kneeling knight f.

He once bore on his tunic the arms of the Gouffier family of France : or, trois jumelles sable, repeated in two coats of arms in the margins of the same page. Fortunately they were not erased before being overpainted by the arms of a duc de Bretagne, at which time probably the ducal coronet was added to the portrait.

Of course one would not discount the possibility that the text was illuminated for an even earlier patron whom arms were never filled in, or were well erased when it came into the hands of a Gouffier. The seventeenth century owner, probably Charles Alexandre de Croy, added the arms of his family, the Toison d'Or, and the date, f. The member of the Gouffier family most likely to have had so rich a book in mid-century was Guillaume ca who spent his whole life in the service of one court or another and must have known many of the French bibliophiles Within three months he had received land from her estate and had married Louise d'Amboise, an arrangement according to the Dauphin which justified the king in bestowing more appointments and holdings upon his favorite.

Very little beyond his companionship seems to have been required of Gouffier. For Christmas he received money for a new robe and one of the eight smaller diamonds presented by the king to his favorites. According to Beaucourt Gouffier would have been freed in because of lack of support for the charges but he " confessed " to his jailer, was tried by the grand conseil in May , stripped of his holdings and banished from court to the distance of thirty lieues from the king's person.

She was one of those whose letters. Her niece's husband, Jean de Levis, was promoted to Gouffier's post as premier chambellan.

During the period of his banishment Gouffier is said to have gone to the service of Pierre, duc de Bourbon, where he would have known the young Pierre de Beaujeu and his bride, Anne de France, Louis XFs daughter. There is no mention of Gouffier in the activities of the Ligue du Bien Publique in which the duc de Bourbon, the duc de Bretagne and Charles de France took part, but no sooner had Louis XI put down that revolt than he restored Gouffier to royal favor, giving back to him some of his lands and income, and sending him to the service of Charles de France, the younger brother who held title to Normandy.

At the latter's death Gouffier returned to court and was married again above his station, this time to Philippe de Montmorency, widow of Charles de Melun. We hear of him next at Amboise where Charlotte de Savoye and the children were staying. After the death of Louis XI, when Pierre de Beaujeu and Anne de France were attempting to establish their rights as guardians of the thirteen year old Charles VIII by means of the Estates General of at Tours, Gouffier reappeared at the head of the deputation of the young king, to indicate his own and his guardians' wishes with respect to the personnel of the advisory council to be appointed by that body Finally, there is an inscription on his tomb at Amboise which reads " En son vivant chevalier seigneur de Boysi Bonnivet et d'Oyron premier chambellan du roy Charles VIIe et depuis gouverneur du fdz du roy Charles VIIIe lequel trespassa en ceste ville d' Amboise le 23e jour de May " These are probably the sources of statements that Gouffier was tutor to both the future Charles VIII, which seems and to his infant son Charles-Orland , which seems less probable.

For this figure so well-liked and generally trusted in court circles there is no other documentation to indicate that he ever owned a book. There is no record of his concern with religious, intellectual or artistic matters. If it was the gift of the newly appointed cardinal of Autun, no record has yet been found. The fact that the second part of the book contains some of the works which Jean Gerson had recommended in for the education of a dauphin, the future Charles VII, is hardly sufficient a base for suggesting.

The interval between the death of the last duc de Bretagne in and the year when a duc de Croy proudly recorded his possession might well be decreased by research in the wills and inventories of that family, members of whom were always close to the French court. Charles Alexandre, sire et duc de Croy , took the title of duc de Croy in Though many of his ancestors and his immediate family had received the Toison d'Or, Charles Alexandre was not so honored until , the year before he stated his ownership of his treasure, this very fine book.

It would be a pity if the untidy absence of conclusive data as to the designer s of this book were to cast a shadow upon the excitement which it provides for bibliophiles of fifteenth century books. We would suggest that although the aesthetic character of the miniatures differs from that of work by the Limbourgs or by Jean Fouquet there is adequate compensation in the combination of a vigorously expressive style with novel iconography — and the opportunity for further research. L'Horloge de sapience and other works.

Vellum, Fr. Thirty- four miniatures not including two removed with f.


Armorials : ff. Bound in tan calf, stamped, with copper clasp and corners. Contents : f. The writer of the declaration has coupled some miniatures, describing and numbering each of four pairs as one item so that this total for the Horloge de Sapience is thirty-two instead of thirty-six. He lists but does not number the three miniatures for the second part of the. Masai and M. Wittek, to M. Guignard, and Miss D. Paris ; Id. Paris, ; Clark J.

London ; Id. Oxford ; Lavaud P. Paris ; Sitwell Gerard , Mediaeval spiritual writers. London ; Wentzlaff-Eggebert F. Lindau ; Id.

les villes invisibles: tome 1 /zurich | les delices du chaos

Stuttgart For a study of the Horologium sapientiae in German and Latin there exists the detailed examination of texts published by Dom Planzer, Zur Textgeschichte und Textkritik des sapientiae Ten years later MUe Ancelot- Hustache declined to include a French translation of this text in view of Dom Planzer's continued research. II, 6 , and b that the style of the Latin text indicates a rehandling of an earlier work, postulated as a shorter Latin text as yet unidentified.

London , New York , and Paris Van Steenberghen F. Paris , t. In transcribing the text abbreviations have been expanded and punctuation and a few accents have been added to facilitate the reading. Leroquais V. Paris , I, xix ; II, , n.